States cannot take over enforcement of federal requirements when Congress has entrusted that enforcement exclusively to the FDA. In Iowans for Alternatives to Smoking & Tobacco, Inc. v. Iowa Department of Revenue, No. 4:24-cv-00448, 2025 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 85732 (S.D. Iowa May 2, 2025), the state of Iowa enacted a law imposing penalties on manufacturers and sellers of vaping products that have not received marketing authorization from the FDA. In addition, the law makes the shipping or receiving of non-compliant vaping products a violation of Iowa’s consumer fraud law and requires the appointment of an agent for service of process, thus serving up violators to the plaintiffs’ bar on a silver platter. The law also benefited two large tobacco companies because it would have allowed the sale of their vaping products while simultaneously hindering unauthorized competition. What again do they say about politics making strange bedfellows?
Here’s the rub. Most vaping products on the market today are not authorized for marketing by the FDA, but the FDA allows them to remain on the market anyway. That is because the FDA has exercised its enforcement discretion to recognize that immediately forcing most vaping products off the market could result in vape users reverting to more harmful products—i.e., traditional cigarettes. That would be bad.
It also means that if Iowa were allowed to enforce its new law, it would be penalizing the sale of unauthorized vaping products when federal regulators have allowed the sale of those same products. That would be preemption—implied obstacle preemption to be precise. That is the form of implied conflict preemption that occurs when state law “stands as an obstacle to the accomplishment and execution of the full purposes of Congress.” Iowans for Alternatives to Smoking, at *11-*12.
To stop the Iowa law, a group of manufacturers, sellers, and users of unauthorized vaping products sued, claiming that the Iowa law violated the Supremacy Clause (implied preemption) and equal protection. The district court ruled in their favor.
At the outset, you might be wondering how this group had standing to sue. If they were selling and using products that were unauthorized by federal law—i.e., they had no legal right to sell and use the products in the first place—what legal right did they possess that allowed adjudication in a court of law? The district court ruled that this is the wrong question. “The appropriate inquiry focuses not on whether the Plaintiffs’ activities fully comply with federal law, but on whether they have alleged a concrete injury that could be redressed by a favorable decision.” Id. at *19. Here, the FDA’s enforcement discretion created a “regulatory environment” under which market participants developed legitimate business interests that Iowa’s law placed at risk. That is a “judicially cognizable interest” sufficient to confer standing.
On the merits, Congress placed the regulation of vaping products under the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and Section 337(a) of the FDCA “states unambiguously that all proceedings to enforce or restrain violations of the FDCA ‘shall be by and in the name of the United States.’” Id. at *24-*25. The Supreme Court’s Buckman opinion, moreover, recognizes Section 337(a) as clear evidence that Congress intended the federal government to be the exclusive enforcer of the FDCA. Id. at *25.
That is not to say that states lack any enforcement authority over vaping products. The Tobacco Control Act reserves to the states the power to regulate the sale and possession of tobacco products, and some jurisdictions have, for example, permissibly banned all vaping products or all flavored products. The Iowa law, however, goes beyond establishing general requirements for tobacco product sales. “Rather, it creates a registration regime that explicitly incorporates federal premarket review standards as the determinative factor for market access.” Id. at *33. In other words, Iowa was asserting enforcement authority that belonged exclusively to the FDA:
The statutory scheme effectively allows Iowa to bring enforcement actions in its own name against manufacturers and retailers based on compliance with the [Tobacco Control Act’s premarket tobacco product application] process—a federal requirement that Congress entrusted exclusively to FDA enforcement. . . . The law’s operative effect is to create a state-level enforcement regime for federal premarket authorization requirements, with Iowa substituting its enforcement discretion for that of the FDA.
Id. at *33-*34. The Iowa law therefore was “parasitic on the FDCA.” And, while the Tobacco Control Act preserved significant state authority over tobacco regulation, Buckman reminds us that “savings clauses do not affect the ordinary working of conflict preemption principles.” Id. at *35. Implied preemption is, after all, grounded in the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. Constitution, not a federal statute.
The Iowa law had to give way. States cannot enforce the FDCA, and a scheme that conditions sales based on FDA authorization status “impermissibly intrudes on upon federal authority and contravenes congressional intent to centralize FDCA enforcement in the federal government.” Id. at *38. The district court thus preliminarily enjoined the implementation of the Iowa law.
The court rejected the plaintiffs’ equal protection arguments, since the government presented rational bases for the various distinctions drawn by the statute. But an equal protection challenge under rational basis review was always a longshot. The story here is preemption. Iowa and the vaping statute’s other supporters may be unhappy with the FDA’s enforcement discretion, but that is how Congress wrote it. Thanks to Jim Fraser at Thompson Hine for bringing this order to our attention and getting this great result.