In truth, this post is not so much a review as a full-throated endorsement. We are telling colleagues that they need to read Elizabeth Chamblee Burch’s The Pain Brokers (One Signal Publishers 2026). Two things drive our enthusiasm for this book: cynicism and pride.
First, let’s indulge our cynicism. The Drug and Device Law engages in no pretense of objectivity. We are entrenched on the defense side and make no bones about it. We represent product liability defendants and root for them to win even when we have no involvement in the case. And we are sore losers. We criticize what we consider to be bad decisions. Sometimes we kvetch. Sometimes we find ourselves suspecting the other side of cheating.
At this point we find ourselves making a callback to some recent posts. We quoted Abe Greenwald, an editor of Commentary, who often says that however bad you think things are, they are even worse. And in our post on the disqualification of a plaintiff firm in a talc case because that firm had hired a lawyer who formerly worked for the talc defendant, we grumbled that it was likely the tip of a rotten iceberg. (Earlier this week the court denied the plaintiff firm’s request to pause the disqualification.)
It is grindingly obvious that the problem with mass torts is that they are … massive. They are hard to handle. Moreover, mass torts offer opportunities for mass frauds. For example, too many cases parked in Multidistrict Litigations never really get tested. Product usage is sometimes faked, and injuries can be exaggerated to get a higher spot on the settlement grid.
With little fondness, we remember the fen-phen litigation, where traveling echocardiogram doctors inflated the degree of heart valve regurgitation to gin up higher settlements. Some doctors got in trouble. But for every phony echocardiogram that was spotted, we bet another ten eluded detection.
It’s not paranoia if they really are out to get you.
The subtitle of The Pain Brokers is “How con men, call centers, and rogue doctors fuel America’s lawsuit factory.” The particular lawsuit factory covered by the book was the vaginal mesh MDL in West Virginia. It was an enormous MDL, with several defendants, thousands of plaintiffs, some bellwether and remand trials, and large inventory settlements. It ended up being a mass wealth transfer, crafted by a kakistocracy. As the book tells us, “[b]y 2014, pelvic mesh had become the holy grail of mass torts.”
The worse the injury, the higher the settlement would be. That is the theory, anyway. A plaintiff who had such serious problems (pain, infection, extrusion) with her mesh that she had to have it removed would be entitled to more money than someone who was living with the mesh intact. It stands to reason, doesn’t it?
Enter a large cast of litigation villains with a scheme. Some were veterans of the wrong side of the criminal justice system. They (the “con men” in the subtitle) exploited what was then a back door unique to the District of Columbia, which permitted nonlawyers to have an ownership role in law firms. The aim was to create mesh cases with high values. The intake procedure started with call centers armed with information about a woman’s mesh implantation. (How they got that information is doubtless an ugly story.) They cold-called women and did everything possible to scare them into removing the mesh. Following a script, the call centers told the women that the mesh was a ticking time bomb. Some women thought the calls came from the mesh companies. Apparently nothing was done to disabuse the women of that mistake.
The next step in the scheme was to connect the women to surgical centers that would arrange to fly the women (often across the country, usually to Florida) to undergo surgeries to “revise” or explant their mesh. The women were told that they could not use medical insurance. Instead, they were charged considerably more than going through insurance would have cost them. The women were sent agreements via Docusign, which permitted jumping through the documents to get right to the signature and initial pages. That jumping feature in Docusign can be convenient when you know what you are signing, but awful if you do not. Women ended up taking out high interest loans without even knowing it. Their surgeries were performed with minimal medical consultation. There really were “rogue doctors” as stated in the subtitle. The women’s lawyers also seemed to offer them little legal consultation. (That fact had consequences for claims of attorney-client privilege.) Having their mesh removed, the women then entered the mesh litigation machine, lined up for settlement, and the subtitle’s “con men, call centers, and rogue doctors” took their cut. After that cut, some plaintiffs ended up with little money.
Pelvic mesh plaintiff lawyers liked to call their clients victims. Some were. Some were victims because they had mesh removed from them that was performing perfectly well. Their own, real treating doctors expressed surprise and disappointment that the patients had the pelvic mesh removed. The problems (such as incontinence or prolapse) the women had that prompted the implants often returned. Often there was post-explant pain. Even if the mesh removal led to a higher settlement amount, the women were not getting much of whatever upside existed. Instead, their health was harmed. Also victimized were the defendants and the court system. It is a depressing tale.
Second, we arrive at our point of pride. One of the heroes in the book is a former colleague, Barbara Binis. She retired from Reed Smith a couple of years ago. She was a splendid trial lawyer and a master of litigation strategy. She had a way of getting after the truth. Her work unearthing the vaginal mesh fraud required sleuthing, persistence, and ingenuity. Binis tracked down various players in the litigation scheme and took their depositions. Some of those deponents were more than a little slippery, and some were defended by lawyers who took obstruction to new depths. Binis managed to expose the sleazy reality of the scheme. The wonder of it is that only one doctor was incarcerated. Unfortunately, due to the statute of limitations, certain rigidities in the system, and some soft-hearted judges, most of the miscreants skated.
But if the book might induce despair at the bent litigation lottery system (at one point one of the schemers mused over how to make a profit off of earplug, PFAS, and Camp LeJeune litigation), it also shows what a smart, determined lawyer can do to get to the truth. The book’s documentation of Binis’s dogged pursuit of the schemers is inspiring. Defense lawyers do not always have to play defense. If there is an opportunity for a defense lawyer to seize the initiative, do it. Meanwhile, the book also introduces us to a plaintiff lawyer who did his best to help some of the victimized women seek redress. It was an uphill run. No law school teaches the skills and strategies needed to nail fraud artists who manipulate the civil justice system.
We want all our colleagues to read the book to know what is really going on in mass torts. That knowledge will not merely feed cynicism; it will energize efforts to combat the schemers. We also want judges and legislators to read the book. Maybe understanding how the mass tort system lends itself to abuse might prompt decision-makers to try to stem such abuse.
Meanwhile, some other jurisdictions opened up the same back door letting nonlawyers operate law firms. Perhaps there were good intentions behind that move, but The Pain Brokers constitutes a cautionary tale.