Who would’ve thought that Texas, of all states, would become a nannyocracy? The Lone Star State typically positions itself as the home of rough and ready folks who can take care of themselves. Think Jim Bowie, Willie Nelson, or Bob Lilly, not Mr. Rogers, Mary Poppins, or Nanny McPhee. Texans don’t need the government telling them to steer clear of things that might pose risks. Let California and Massachusetts hover over its meek, ready-to-be-victim citizens. Texans are tough, and they’re fixing to get ready to clobber you if you lecture them on healthier lifestyles.
So how to account for Section 9 of Texas Senate Bill 25, codified in Texas Health & Safety Code section 431.0815(a), which requires food and beverage companies to include conspicuous warnings on products that contain any of 44 listed ingredients (subject to some exceptions)? As the folks on the excellent Commentary podcast would say, it gets even worse than that. Here is what the warning must say: “WARNING: This product contains an ingredient that is not recommended for human consumption by the appropriate authority in Australia, Canada, the European Union, or the United Kingdom.” Since when do Texans care what effete, warm-beer drinking, Speedo-wearing, surrender-monkeys say about anything? [WARNING: We are joking. We admire all those countries. We like visiting them. If our nation was going to mimic another country’s health warnings, those places would probably be the best ones to mimic. But (1) it should be the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), not various and sundry states or, worse, state juries, that should do the mimicking, and (2) it turns out that Texas is not even accurately mimicking those countries’ health determinations, which is another reason why the statute should be enjoined.]
Section 9 contains a federal preemption provision that calls off the warning requirement if the FDA or United States Department of Agriculture issue a law or regulation pertaining to one of the 44 listed ingredients prohibiting or conditioning use or determining it to be safe or imposing a particular labeling statement. Section 9 was to take effect on January 1, 2027.
In American Beverage Ass’n et al. v. Paxton, 2026 WL 395513 (W.D. Texas Feb. 11, 2026), a collection of nonprofit entities representing manufacturers and marketers of consumer packaged foods and beverages filed a lawsuit challenging the Texas law. The defendant is the Attorney General of Texas. He is running in the Republican primary against incumbent Senator Jon Cornyn. Paxton aims to win by out MAGA-ing Cornyn. MAGA now includes MAHA (Make America Healthy Again), and, somehow, right-wing politicians (who used to abhor anything smacking of “international law”) find themselves allied with a science-rejecting Health and Human Services Secretary who hates vaccines and seed oils, tinkers with bear corpses, and brags about how he sniffed cocaine off toilet seats. As the Tommy Lee Jones character mutters near the end of No Country for Old Men (set in West Texas), “signs and wonders.”
Section 9 seems flat-out silly, but being silly is not ordinarily enough to strike down a law (though such silliness can be a factor in the court’s analysis). The smart folks at the ABA (those are the liquor folks, not the lawyer folks) and other associations came up with a variety of legal arguments. The one that persuaded the court to enjoin Texas’s ballyhooed attempt to impose its own ingredient labeling requirements (again, partly borrowed from NATO allies that our government keeps insulting and tariffing) was — tada! — free speech. The court reasoned that the plaintiffs would likely win on the argument that Section 9 is barred by the First Amendment. That is an important result, because the First Amendment attack is often available when the government tries to force certain kinds of speech. Admittedly, when we frame a motion against such forced speech, the First Amendment argument usually does not come, er, first, because we expect to run into judicial skepticism. Vagueness, over breadth, and preemption usually get higher billing. But maybe this recent case should prompt us to rethink that.
The court held that the Texas non-FDA labeling requirements are a form of “compelled speech” over a subject matter that is anything but settled and non-controversial. A lot of the arguments between the parties focused on whether the case involved a content regulation that called for strict scrutiny, or whether it was a commercial speech case that called for intermediate scrutiny. The implicit assumption was that strict scrutiny would mean that the statute was dead, while intermediate scrutiny would mean that the ABA’s lawsuit was dead. (You’ve doubtless heard the rubric “strict in theory, fatal in reality.”) That dichotomy turned out not to be true here, and how the court got there was interesting.
The court held that strict scrutiny “likely applies” because the Texas labeling law is a content-based regulation of speech. The law requires the plaintiffs to speak a particular message that “alters the content of their” speech, here a government-scripted message on food labels and online that must be clear and conspicuous. The plaintiffs pointed out that the required warning is not even true, since not one of the four jurisdictions referenced in the legislation (Australia, Canada, the European Union, or the United Kingdom – note that there isn’t a single SEC football team in any of those places, and they probably cannot barbecue decent brisket) actually states that any of the listed ingredients are “not recommended for human consumption.” For the court, the key is that Texas showed neither the compelling state interest nor the narrow reach necessary to survive strict scrutiny. Adios, silly, bossy statute.
The court made the smart move of ruling on alternate grounds. That makes the AG’s appeal more difficult. Even if the case was viewed through the lens of the Central Hudson commercial speech standard, the Texas labeling requirement would not “pass muster.” That is, it flunks intermediate scrutiny. Yes, the state has a “substantial interest in supporting the health and well-being of its citizens by promoting better ingredients in foods sold in Texas.” But compelling sellers to warn consumers of a potential risk never confirmed by any regulatory body or of a hazard not known to more than a small subset of the scientific community does not “directly and materially” advance the government’s interest. Moreover, forced speech is not a “narrowly tailored” approach. The state could spend its own resources in its own advertising campaign rather than force the plaintiffs to speak. Market based solutions, including the speech market, are usually better.
Other arguments offered by the plaintiffs fared less well. But that’s okay — a win is a win. The court held that the vagueness and preemption arguments did not meet the preliminary injunction threshold. The obstacle preemption argument faces the dreaded presumption against preemption, which would require adjudication of the falsity of the compelled statements. See you at summary judgment. For now, it is too early for that, and maybe the court will never get there, because, as the court held, the plaintiffs likely will prevail on the First Amendment ground.
In any event, the deprivation of a First Amendment right constitutes irreparable harm, and an injunction protecting First Amendment rights is always in the public interest. Accordingly, AG and senatorial candidate Paxton is enjoined from enforcing Section 9.
The lesson here is for companies to take the First Amendment argument seriously, as we have advocated, particularly as to off-label use. That lesson is actionable. Less actionable is another lesson: as has become the case all too often in this republic, the executive and legislative branches do too much, or do not enough, or simply do dumb. More and more, the only adult in the room is the judiciary.
If you are interested in this sort of thing – and why wouldn’t you be? – take a look at our post on American Beverage Ass’n v. SF. It was another First Amendment challenge to a food warning law by the ABA. Other recent First Amendment food posts are here and here.