No, not that case. The appeal of the FIFRA preemption rulings in glyphosate litigation is still pending. This decision is Hencely v. Fluor Corp., No. 24-924, 2026 U.S. Lexis 1868 (U.S. Apr. 22, 2026), which involves the preemption of negligence claims against a military contractor in connection with a terrorist attack on the Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan. In some ways, the Hencely case is worlds away from product liability claims related to medical products. In other ways, it is close enough for this Blog to pay attention, especially if you go back to some of the factual details from the Fourth Circuit decision that the majority Supreme Court decision omitted. We will presume to explain, although with some hardy initial disclaimers. First, the underlying events in Hencely are tragic. Our post should not be read to minimize those events or draw any connections to current U.S. military activities. Second, although the Blog has addressed the government contractor defense in connection with product liability claims, we are not experts in government contracts or national defense law. We leave for others the discussion of whether Hencely will have a chilling effect on the availability of contractors to fill roles in connection with Department of Defense or other national security functions, an issue the dissent raised. Id. at 36. Third, the alignment of the Court—Justice Thomas writing for a majority that included Justices Sotomayor, Kagan, Jackson, Gorsuch, and Barrett and Justice Alito writing a dissent in which Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Kavanaugh joined—could invite a vigorous discussion about inconsistent positions being taken compared to some of the big prior decisions we discussed on preemption and other subjects, such as here, here, here, and here. Suffice it to say that the five male members of the Court tend to be on the same side in terms of federalism, originalism, and stare decisis. Not in Hencely.
From the title and preceding paragraph, the outcome of Hencely should be clear: The Supreme Court reversed the district court’s grant of summary judgment based on preemption and Fourth Circuit’s affirmance. Plaintiff sued a defense contractor and its subsidiaries over injuries he sustained at Bagram in 2016 while an active duty Army member in connection with a suicide bombing he tried to stop. Tragically, this was one of several attacks on the base over time, including by infiltrators. The terrorist who caused the injuries in Hencely got on base through a U.S. military policy called “Afghan First,” although he was employed by the defendant contractor and under its supervision. The U.S. military also supervised and screened the terrorist leading up to the attack, according to the Fourth Circuit and the dissent but not mentioned in the majority opinion. Plaintiff brought his suit in the District of South Carolina and asserted negligence claims under South Carolina law. Although the U.S. was not sued—presumably because of sovereign immunity—even without details from the complaint, we can say that it would have been fairly obvious from the start that this case would have to involve evidence about policies, actions, and decisions of the U.S. military. That realization, in turn, should have raised major constitutional concerns, because states lack authority to weigh in on how the U.S. military operates a base in Afghanistan. Somehow, Hencely got past the pleading stage before the defendant won summary judgment. 554 F. Supp. 3d 770 (D.S.C. 2021). The Fourth Circuit affirmed in a long and detailed opinion. 120 F. 4th 412 (4th Cir. 2024). [For some reason, both the majority opinion and dissent in Hencely are littered with citation errors, which we will attempt not to repeat.]
We can cut to the chase and say that the Fourth Circuit and dissent made more sense and appeared to consider more of the record than the selective recounting in the majority decision. Rather than go through the details of how the dueling opinions got to their respective conclusions, we want to focus on some of the language used and some of the omissions compared to the preemption analyses we usually see in drug and device cases.
First, the Bexis bugaboo, the purported presumption against preemption. There is no discussion of this concept in the majority decision or the Fourth Circuit’s decision. The dissent has a discussion of how a presumption applies to field preemption in an area traditionally occupied by states but not to areas that the constitution or congress specified as federal. Id. at *27. Frankly, the majority could have referred to such a presumption as part of its rationale, but the omission may only matter to us.
Second, while we use the term “field preemption,” the majority and dissent in Hencely do not. The majority uses the term “battlefield preemption” once when referring to the basis for the Fourth Circuit’s affirmance. Id. at *9. Five circuits, including the Fourth, have adopted that doctrine, and most press about Hencely has referred to that as the issue being decided, but the dissent never uses the term as it rebuts the majority’s rejection of it. (The majority also does not give a tally of which circuits have or have not adopted the doctrine.) The terms “express preemption” and “implied preemption” appear once each, both in the dissent in characterizing holdings in other cases. No mentions of “conflict preemption” or “obstacle preemption” can be found. This differs from our experience, which has typically involved analyzing which particular species of preemption applies to the asserted claims. Of field, express, and implied, the last has a few subspecies. Such labeling may be less important to this Court. For instance, the distillation of the reasoning of the dissent’s position is decidedly unlabeled:
In sum, we have long recognized that the Constitution itself may demand preemption when a state law intrudes upon an area of exclusive federal authority. And because the Constitution gives the Federal Government exclusive authority over foreign affairs and the conduct of wars, federal law preempts all state law that substantially interferes with the Government’s exercise of those powers.
Id. at *28.
Third, the only discussions of a legal “defense” were in connection with the government contractor defense, which was not at issue on appeal, and a possible defense to punitive damages, which was not at issue on appeal. The burden in connection with the motion below was not discussed. The standards for summary judgment and the appellate review of a summary judgment decision are absent. Whether the evidence in the record below left any genuine dispute as to material facts was not addressed, even to acknowledge any conflicting evidence. The only mention of evidence was in the dissent in the context of pointing out that scrutiny of the U.S. military’s decisions and actions would be inevitable if the case went to trial. This is also strange to us. If anything, we might infer that the majority reached its decision based on the idea that it would be unfair to deprive plaintiff of a chance at recovery. Similarly, we could offer that the dissent was driven by concerns about the imposition on the military of a case that second-guessed its policies and actions. If we are right about the majority’s motivations, then that is not a great sign for medical product manufacturers up against sympathetic plaintiffs.
Fourth, in addition to the expected range of amici on each side, the United States submitted a brief in support of the defendant. The Solicitor General was also permitted to participate in the oral argument. It makes sense that the U.S. would favor preemption in a case where the military would otherwise be subject to burdensome and tricky discovery and be the subject of extensive second-guessing at trial. Similar logic would suggest that the U.S. would support preemption in cases that fundamentally second guess the decisions of FDA, including its regulations. Yet, U.S. amicus support in those cases has not been consistent. In Hencely, the position of the U.S. did not sway the majority. To the contrary, the report of the military finding fault with the contractor in connection with the terrorist attack featured much more prominently. In contrast to the dissent, the majority largely ignored that the Afghan First program and the security requirements the military imposed would be major focuses in the case—which clearly supports preemption. This reminds us of how some courts that allow preempted claims and evidence tend to focus on theoretical ways that the manufacturer could have acted differently while turning a blind eye to how plaintiffs hinge their case on the alleged inadequacies of the FDCA, FDA regulations, and FDA actions. The Supreme Court should be more savvy about such things.